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By Nadia Helmy | China Daily Global | Updated: 2026-09-02 02:16
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Egypt's strategic corridors anchor transcontinental trade and sustainable South-South growth

Against the backdrop of President Xi Jinping's ongoing visit to Egypt this week — a trip that follows his attendance at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit in Bishkek — the trajectory of Sino-Egyptian cooperation warrants closer examination. The convergence of these events invites reflection on three questions of strategic significance: How can Sino-Egyptian cooperation continue to deepen within the framework of the SCO and the evolving architecture of Eurasian connectivity? How can Egypt, as a key regional partner, more effectively engage China through multilateral platforms such as the SCO and the Belt and Road Initiative? And what might this partnership signify for South-South cooperation, regional stability and the emergence of a more balanced global governance system?

Egyptian-Chinese cooperation within the SCO and the broader architecture of Eurasian connectivity reflects a shared commitment to multipolar strategic partnerships that advance sustainable development and regional security in the interests of the Global South. Since Egypt became an SCO dialogue partner in September 2022, this framework has served as a pivotal platform for deepening security, political and economic coordination with Asian and emerging powers. Within the SCO, Egypt occupies a strategically significant position at the intersection of the Middle East, Africa and Asia. The organization's objectives align closely with both nations' vision of Eurasian connectivity, which identifies Egypt and the Suez Canal as a vital economic and logistics corridor. This alignment is reinforced by expanding cooperation between Egypt, China and other SCO member states in areas such as local industries, infrastructure, transportation and renewable energy. At the national level, this partnership facilitates the integration of the BRI with Egypt's Vision 2030 for Sustainable Development.

Cooperation within the SCO framework and the broader architecture of Eurasian connectivity carries particular significance given Egypt's strategic position at the nexus of the Middle East, Africa and the Global South. Egypt's status as an SCO dialogue partner enables enhanced security and political coordination with Asian and emerging powers, while the Eurasian connectivity structure facilitates the logistical integration of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) with the Suez Canal axis. This convergence represents a strategic shift in global trade, reflecting efforts to diversify supply routes to strengthen global supply chain resilience.

The resulting framework is inherently multimodal: The INSTC integrates rail, road and sea networks linking Russia, Iran and South Asia across the heart of Eurasia, intersecting with the Suez Canal's pivotal role as a global trade crossroads between the East and the West. Egypt, for its part, seeks to connect the Canal Zone with expanded rail and road networks to enhance distribution efficiency. China benefits from this configuration through greater route diversification and reduced dependence on any single transit corridor, leveraging multiple routes — including Eurasian land corridors and the Arctic sea route — to ensure supply chain continuity and bypass geopolitical bottlenecks in conventional straits. This logistical convergence serves the broader objectives of the BRI, allowing China to enhance export flows and maintain flexible access to European and Asian markets via alternative, predictable routes.

This trilateral dynamic — Egyptian, Chinese and Eurasian — also contributes to regional and international stability by addressing energy security challenges, including those related to disruptions in and around the Strait of Hormuz. Egypt's engagement with multilateral frameworks such as China's BRI and the Eurasian corridors enables the integration of major domestic development projects with broader transcontinental infrastructure. In this context, Egypt plays a strategically critical role: by aligning its national interests with major international initiatives, it helps safeguard both global energy security and vital maritime routes.

This Egyptian role complements the BRI by linking flagship infrastructure projects — such as the Suez Canal Corridor Development Project — to China's broader transcontinental strategy. China is cooperating with Egypt to develop Red Sea and Mediterranean ports capable of serving Asian and European trade routes, and to establish joint trade, industrial and logistics zones. Such cooperation is expected to increase the flow of goods, generate developmental and economic returns, and attract foreign direct investment into Egypt's renewable energy, transportation and logistics sectors. Moreover, China is transferring technical expertise and modern technologies to support local manufacturing and infrastructure development, thereby creating employment opportunities and advancing the sustainable growth of the Egyptian economy.

This Egyptian partnership contributes to regional stability amid the energy security challenges associated with the Strait of Hormuz. Through multilateral platforms such as China's BRI, Egypt integrates its major development projects with transcontinental infrastructure, benefiting its own economic development through expanded trade and diversified Chinese investment in renewable energy and industry. Beyond bilateral gains, the partnership carries broader implications for developing countries, global governance and South-South solidarity.

Both Egypt and China play a pivotal role in advancing multipolarity and reforming global governance. Together, they call for international and United Nations institutions to better represent developing countries and the Global South, and strengthen South-South solidarity as a counterweight to unilateral hegemony — presenting a successful model of cooperation based on mutual respect and equality.

Nadia Helmy

The author is a professor of political science at Beni Suef University, Egypt.

The author contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.

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